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Loyalty Day (Argentina)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Loyalty Day
One of the most famous photos of the October 17 event.
DateOctober 17, 1945 (1945-10-17)
LocationPlaza de Mayo, Buenos Aires
ParticipantsPeronists
OutcomeJuan Perón was released from prison

Loyalty Day (Spanish: Día de la lealtad) is a commemoration day in Argentina. It remembers 17 October 1945, when a large labour demonstration at the Plaza de Mayo, in downtown Buenos Aires, demanded the liberation of Juan Domingo Perón, who was jailed in Martín García island. It is considered the foundational moment of the Peronist movement.[1]

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Transcription

Hi, I’m John Green, this is Crash Course World History and today things are going to get a little bit confusing, because we’re going to talk about revolution and independence in Latin America. It’s a bit confusing because 1. Latin America is big, 2. It’s very diverse, 3. Napoleon makes everything complicated and 4. As we’ve seen in the past, sometimes revolutions turn out not to be not that revolutionary. [why a solid marketing dept. is key] Witness, for instance, the New England Revolution, who instead of, like, trying to form new and better governments are always just kicking balls around like all the other soccer [futbol] teams. [Intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] [intro music] Right, so before independence, Latin American society was characterized by three institutions that exercised control over the population. The first was the Spanish Crown, or if you are Brazilian, the Portuguese crown. So, as far as Spain was concerned, the job of the colonies was to produce revenue in the form of a 20% tax on everything that was called “the royal fifth.” So government administration was pervasive and relatively efficient— because it had to be in order to collect its royal fifth. I mean, the church even controlled time – the church bells tolled out the hours and they mandated a seven day work week so that people could go to church on Sunday. [so HobbyLobby store hours aren't super inconvenient, they're just old skool?] And finally, there was patriarchy. [yeuup, there's a shocker] In Latin America, like much of the world, husbands had complete control over their wives and any extra-or-pre-marital skoodilypooping was severely punished. I mean, when it was the women doing the illicit skoodilypooping. Men could basically get up to whatever. [RIP Helen Gurley Brown. much love] This was mainly about property rights because illegitimate children could inherit their father’s property, but it was constructed to be about, you know, purity. To get a sense of how patriarchy shaped Latin American lives, take a gander at Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz, whose name I’m actually abbreviating. A child prodigy who spoke five languages by the age of 16, de la Cruz wanted to disguise herself as a boy so she could attend University, [plot of 80's flick Just One of the Guys] but she was forbidden to do so. Still, she wrote plays and poetry, she studied math and natural science, [Girls do Get Curves, Danica McKellar!] and for being one of the leading minds of the 17th century, she was widely attacked, and eventually forced to abandon her work and sell all 4,000 of her books. That’s a shame because she had a great mind, once writing that “Aristotle would have written more if he had done any cooking.” [oooh, snap!] Couple other things: First, Latin America led the world in transculturation or Cultural Blending. A new and distinct Latin American culture emerged mixing 1. Whites from Spain called Peninsulares, 2. Whites born in the Americas called creoles, 3. Native Americans, and 4. African slaves. This blending of cultures may be most obvious when looking at Native American and African influences upon Christianity. The Virgin of Guadalupe, for instance, was still called Tonantzin, the indigenous earth goddess, by Indians, and the profusion of blood in Mexican iconography recalls the Aztec use of blood in ritual. But transculturation pervaded Latin American life, from food to secular music to fashion. Somewhat related: Latin America had a great deal of racial diversity and a rigid social hierarchy to match. There were four basic racial categories: white, black, mestizo –a mix of white and American Indian- and mulatto, a mix of white and black. We try not to use that word anymore because it’s offensive, but that’s the word they used. And from the 16th century on, Latin America had a huge diversity of mixed race people, and there were constant attempts to classify them and divide them into castes. You can see some of these in so called casta paintings, which attempted to establish in a very weird and Enlightenment-y way all the possible racial combinations. But of course that’s not how race works, as evidenced by the fact that successful people of lower racial castes could become “legally white” by being granted gracias al sacar. [pretty jacked up, white? right, I mean..] So by 1800, on the eve of Latin America’s independence movements, roughly a quarter of the population were mixed race. So Brazil… he said as thousands of Argentinians booed him— is obviously different because it was ruled, not by Spain, but by Portugal. But like a lot of revolutions in Latin America, it was fairly conservative. The creoles wanted to maintain their privilege while also achieving independence from the Peninsulares. And also like a lot of Latin American revolutions, it featured Napoleon. [forever makes me think of Bill &Ted] Freaking Napoleon. You’re everywhere. [except in line for certain roller coasters] He’s behind me, isn’t he? Gah. So when Napoleon took over Portugal in 1807, the entire Portuguese royal family and their royal court decamped to Brazil. And it turned out, they loved Brazil. King Joao loved Brazil so much. Off topic, but do you think that J-Woww named herself after King Joao? I mean, does she have that kind of historical sensibility? I think she does. [that whole bit really just happened, btw] So King Joao’s life in Rio was so good that even after Napoleon was defeated at the Battle of Waterloo, he just kind of stayed in Brazil. And then, by 1820, the Portuguese in Portugal were like, “Hey, maybe you should come back and, like, you know, govern us, King of Portugal.” So in 1821, he reluctantly returned to Lisbon, leaving his son Prince Pedro behind. Meanwhile, Brazilian creoles were organizing themselves around the idea that they were culturally different from Portugal, and they eventually f ormed a Brazilian Party— no, Stan not that kind of party, come on— yes. That kind. A Brazilian party to lobby for independence. Then in 1822, they convinced Prince Pedro of boring, old Portugal that he should just become King Pedro of sexy, big Brazil. So Pedro declared Brazil an independent constitutional monarchy with himself as king. [as one does, naturally] As a result, Brazil achieved independence without much bloodshed and managed to hold on to that social hierarchy with the plantation owners on top. And that explains why Brazil was the last new world country to abolish slavery, not fully abandoning it until 1888. Right, so even when Napoleon wasn’t forcing Portuguese royals into an awesome exile, he was still messing with Latin America. Let’s go to the Thought Bubble. So Latin America’s independence movements began not with Brazil, but in Mexico when Napoleon put his brother on the Spanish throne in 1808. [nepotism; always a classy move] Napoleon wanted to institute the liberal principles of the French Revolution, which angered the ruling elite of the Peninsulares in what was then called New Spain. They were aristocrats and they just wanted to go back to some good old-fashioned divine right monarchy with a strong church. So the Mexican Creoles, seeking to expand their own power at the expense of the Peninsular elite saw an opportunity here. They affirmed their loyalty to the new king, who was French even though he was the king of Spain. I told you this was complicated. Then, a massive peasant uprising began, led by a renegade priest Padre Hidalgo, and supported by the Creoles because it was aimed at the Peninsulares, even though they weren’t actually the ones who supported Spain. This was further complicated by the fact that to the mestizo peasants led by Hidalgo, Creoles and Peninsulares looked and acted basically identical— they were both white and imperious— [preferable to avada kedavrious?] so the peasants often attacked the Creoles, who were, technically on their side in trying to overthrow the ruling peninsulares. Even though it had tens of thousands of supporters, this first peasant uprising petered out. But, a second peasant revolt, led by another priest, Father Morelos, was much more revolutionary. In 1813, he declared independence and the revolt lasted until his death in 1815. But since he was a mestizo, he didn’t gain much Creole support, so revolutionary fervor in Mexico began to fade until … 1820, when Spain, which was now under the rule of a Spanish, rather than a French king, had a REAL liberal revolution with a new constitution that limited the power of the church. Thanks, Thought Bubble. So, in the wake of Spain’s liberalizing movements, the Mexican elites, who had previously supported Spain, switched sides and made common cause with the creoles in the hopes that they could somehow hold onto their privileges. And pushing for independence together, things went very well. [stay together to stay alive, just like L4D!] The Creole general Iturbide and the rebel mestizo commander Guerrero joined forces and won independence with most of the Peninsulares returning to Spain. Iturbide –the whiter of the two generals – became king of Mexico in 1822 (remember, this was a revolution essentially AGAINST representative government). But that didn’t work out and within a year he was overthrown by the military and a republic was declared. Popular sovereignty was sort of victorious, but without much benefit to the peasants who actually made independence possible. This alliance between conservative landowning elites and the army - especially in the face of calls for land reform or economic justice— would happen over and over again in Latin America for the next century and a half. But before we come to any conclusions, let’s discuss one last revolution. But, the interior of Venezuela was home to mixed-race cowboys called llaneros who supported the king. They kept the Caracas revolutionaries from extending their power inland. And that, is where Simon Bolivar, “el Libertador,” [young portrait w foppish 'stache is fave] enters the picture. Bolivar realized that the only way to overcome the various class divisions (like the one between the Caracas creoles and llaneros) was to appeal to a common sense of South American-ness. I mean, after all, the one thing that almost all South Americans had in common: they were born in South America, NOT SPAIN. So then, partly through shows of toughness that included, like, crossing flooded plains and going without sleep, Bolivar convinced the llaneros to give up fighting for Spain and start fighting against them. He quickly captured the viceregal capital at Bogota and by 1822 his forces had taken Caracas and Quito. Hold on, hold on. Lest I be attacked by Argentinians [to get back the plutonium you stole?] who are already upset about what I said about their really good soccer team, I want to make one thing clear. Argentina’s general Jose de San Martin was also vital to the defeat of the Spanish. He led an expeditions against the Spanish in Chile and also a really important one in Lima. [helping McKinley advance to Nationals over dreaded rivals, Vocal Adrenaline] And then, in December of 1824, at the battle of Ayacucho, the last Spanish viceroy was finally captured and all of Latin America was free from Spain. Oh, it’s time for the open letter? That’s A chair, Stan, but it’s not THE chair. [damp spirit kicks internal pebble] [rolls with broken heart to unimpressive leather-not-puce-velvet club chair sub] An Open Letter to Simon Bolivar. [part-time purple pieman impersonator] But first, let’s see what’s in the secret compartment today. Oh, llanero. I wonder if his hips swivel when I wind him up. [sorry, Meatwad, night-vision goggles & action bills not included.] Context is everything. They do! Hey there, cowboy. Dear Simon Bolivar, First, you had fantastic [legit] muttonchops. It’s as if you’re some kind of handsome Martin Van Buren. [surely an original sentence there] You were a man of immense accomplishments, but those accomplishments have been richly rewarded. I mean, you have a country named after you. Not to mention, two different currencies. [Canadian loonie pwns, regardless] But for my purposes, the most important thing you ever did was die. You may not know this, Simon Bolivar, but when I'm not a world history teacher sitting next to a fake fireplace, I am a novelist. [young adult + Dawson's Creek FanFic] [tell you his pen names for a price] And your last words, “Damn it, how will I ever get out of this labyrinth,” feature prominently in my first novel, Looking for Alaska. [ sup, Nerdfighteria? xoxo, dj ] Except it turns out, those weren’t your last words. [d'oh?] Your last words were probably, “Jose, bring the luggage.” [alt: "Hey, watch this!"] But I decided to use your fancy, romantic, inaccurate last words. It’s called artistic license. Put that in your luggage. [my, Johnny Bookwriter is saucy today] Anyway, fantastic life. I just wish you’d nailed it a little bit better with your last words. Best wishes, John Green So by 1825, almost the entire western hemisphere – with a few exceptions in the Caribbean —was free from European rule. Oh, right. And Canada. [Oh, Canada!] I’m just kidding, Canadians. It’s so easy to make fun of you because you’re so nice. So I tease you and then you’re like, “Aw, thanks for noticing that we exist.” My pleasure. Anyway, this is pretty remarkable, especially when you consider that most of this territory had been under Spanish or Portuguese control for almost 300 years. The most revolutionary thing about these independence movements were that they enshrined the idea of so called popular sovereignty in the New World. Never again would Latin America be under the permanent control of a European power, and the relatively quick division of Latin America into individual states, despite Bolivar’s pan South American dream, showed how quickly the people in these regions developed a sense of themselves as nations distinct from Europe, and from each other. This division into nation states prefigures what would happen to Europe in the mid-19th century, and in that sense, Latin America is the leader of 19th century world history. And Latin American history presages another key theme in modern life— multiculturalism. And all of that makes Latin America sound very modern, but in a number of ways, Latin American independence wasn’t terribly revolutionary. First, while the Peninsulares were gone, the rigid social hierarchy, with the wealthy creoles at the top, remained. Second, whereas revolutions in both France and America weakened the power of the established church, in Latin America, the Catholic Church remained very powerful in people’s everyday lives. And then, there is the patriarchy. Although there were many women who took up arms in the struggle for independence, including Juana Azurduy who led a cavalry charge against Spanish forces in Bolivia, patriarchy remained strong in Latin America. Feminist ideas like those of Mary Wollstonecraft would have to wait. Women weren’t allowed to vote in national elections in Mexico until 1953. And Peru didn’t extend voting rights to women until 1955. Also, Latin America’s revolutionary wars were long and bloody: 425,000 people died in Mexico’s war for independence. And they didn’t always lead to stability: Venezuela, for instance, experienced war for much of the 19th century, leading to as many as a million deaths. And it’s important to note that fighting for freedom doesn’t always lead to freedom, the past two centuries in Latin America have seen many military dictatorships that protect private property at the expense of egalitarian governance. “Freedom,” “independence,” and “autonomy” are complicated terms that mean different things to different people at different times. So too with the word “revolutionary.” Thanks for watching. I’ll see you next week. Location change because I forgot to record the credits, and my shirt matches the wall. Probably should have thought about that one a little bit harder. [DFT record the credits, next time then?] Crash Course is produced and directed by Stan Muller. Our script supervisor is Danica Johnson, [!] the show is ably interned by Agent Meredith Danko, TVCS and it’s written by my high school history teacher Raoul Meyer and myself. Our graphics team is Thought Bubble. Last week’s phrase of the week was "giant squid of anger." If you want to suggest a future phrase of the week or guess at this week’s, you can do so in comments, where you can also ask questions that will be answered by our team of historians. Look at the beautiful Crash Course poster! [nice job, ThoughtBubblers!] Available now at DFTBA.com link in the video description. Thanks for watching, and as we say in my home town, Don’t Forget they can’t get your goat if they don’t know where you keep it.

Antecedents

On June 4, 1943, nationalist sectors of the Argentine Armed Forces led by General Arturo Rawson orchestrated a coup d'état against President Ramón Castillo, the last president of the Infamous Decade, a line of corrupt governments that had imposed the so-called "patriotic fraud" since the end of the José Félix Uriburu administration.[2]

The labor movement was against the coup, initially perplexed and undecided about the position that should be adopted. It was divided into the four main groups (CGT N º 1, CGT No. 2, USA and FORA). One of the first actions was to dissolve the government CGT No. 2 (led by the socialist Francisco Pérez Leirós), the Employees' Union of trade unions of Borlenghi and the communist-led unions (construction workers, meatpackers, etc.). It led to a number of unions that formed it to return to the CGT N º 1 (general secretary José Domenech). Shortly after, the government passed a law on trade unions that met some expectations except for union, while allowing them to intervene by the State. Then the military government applied this law to the powerful rail unions involved and the heart of the CGT, the Union Railway and the Brotherhood. In October a series of strikes were answered with the arrest of dozens of labor leaders. It soon became apparent that the military government was composed of influential anti-union sectors.

Under these conditions some union socialists, trade unionists and some communist revolutionaries led by Ángel Borlenghi (a socialist and secretary general of the powerful General Confederation of Employees of Commerce in the dissolved socialist CGT No. 2), Francisco Pablo Capozzi (PFI), Juan Bramuglia (Railway Union), among others, agreed, albeit with reservations and distrust, to undertake a series of alliances with certain sectors of the military government which shared the union demands. Among young military colonels were Juan D. Perón and Domingo Mercante.

The union proposed the military create a Ministry of Labor, strengthen the CGT and enact a series of labor laws that accepted the historical claims of the Argentine labor movement. Soon after, the alliance between trade unionists and military government appointed Perón as Director of the Department of Labor, a position apparently worthless. A month later, the status of the organism raised to a Secretary of State (December 2, 1943). From the Department of Labor, Perón, with the support of the unions began to develop much of the historic union agenda: it created employment tribunals; 33.302/43 Decree was passed extending the severance pay to all workers, more than two million people were beneficiaries of the retirement was enacted the Statute of farm workers and the status of the journalist, it created the Polyclinic Hospital for railway workers, prohibiting private placement agencies, the Technical Schools aimed at workers; 123 more decrees were signed. In 1944 collective agreements reached more than 1,400,000 workers and employees, and in 1945 another 347 covered 2,186,868 workers. Additionally Perón succeeded to repeal the decree-law regulating unions sanctioned in the first days of military rule.[3]

Within this framework, the unions began a period of high growth, and what was even more important, they began to recruit large numbers to the "new" workers, who were migrating en masse to the city from the countryside, called "morochos "" fat "and" black heads "with the middle and upper classes and the workers themselves" old "descendants of European immigration.

Soon after, some unions that had remained aloof, the CGT N º 1, the USA and the autonomous unions, are beginning to unite around the Secretary of Labor. But to the contrary, in September 1945, 4 major unions split from the CGT: Fraternity, the Textile Workers Union, the Confederation of Commercial Employees and the Union of Footwear.

The alliance between unions and the group of young military officers led by Perón immediately generated strong opposition from conservative political, economic and military, with support from the U.S. Embassy (Ambassador Braden) that generates a high polarization for 1945. The events unfolded rapidly.

On 12 July 1945, the trade unions led by Borlenghi perform a large act of downtown Buenos Aires (on Diagonal Norte and Florida). When finished, the crowd of workers begin to chant the name of Perón and proclaim it as a candidate for president.

The workers' demonstration was answered on September 19 by the middle and upper classes with the "March of the Constitution and Freedom," which brought the extraordinary sum of 200,000 people marching in the upscale Recoleta ward, where supporters of the Former President Arturo Rawson gathered at the balcony of his house.

October Days

General Eduardo Ávalos demanded Perón's resignation, organizing a military show of force in support of this on October 8; the military government, to avoid conflict, accepted, and Perón resigned the next day.

On October 10, upon Perón's leaving office as vice president, the CGT held a rally in his support in the corner of Peru and Alsina Streets, downtown. He directed himself to the rally, and gave a famous speech in which he detailed an ambitious program to redress labor grievances. On October 11 Avalos took over as Minister of War, and that night a meeting was held at the Military Club (Paz Palace) with nearly 300 officers, among whom were about 20 of the Navy, to discuss the course to be followed, including as to whether to retain Farrell as president. The assembly decided to send a delegation to meet with Avalos and, indeed, the only points that had agreed was to request the immediate convocation of elections, the appointment of civilian ministers, lifting the siege and the arrest and prosecution of Perón. Concurrently, a senior Senator from the Socialist Party of Argentina, Alfredo Palacios, obtained a Supreme Court ruling against the regime, and when the Paz Palace meeting ended at midnight, a presidential decree calling for elections was announced on the airwaves.

A meeting of opposition leaders gathered around a Democratic Coordinating Board on October 11. Emboldened by the course of events, the Army decided to demand that power be handed over to the Supreme Court. Historian Félix Luna wrote on the lack of realism that made this decision such a tactical mistake:

While the army was divided into sectors that had serious disagreements, none of them could accept at that time give the government to recognize the Court as it involved a humiliating defeat. Moreover, the Chief Justice was Dr. Roberto Repetto, a respected jurist but lacking any political experience.

On October 12, after receiving the military delegation, Farrell called for the resignation of all ministers except Avalos; Lima Vernengo was appointed as Minister of the Navy. At the same time, a demonstration was held around the Paz Palace by the most conservative students, who shouted anti-military slogans and seized the building. They demanded the Supreme Court's intervention against Perón and any government decision on his behalf, a position which further unified the latter's base of support.

When in the afternoon a delegation of civilians took this position to Ávalos, the War Minister considered unacceptable, tried to reassure them and informed them that she will be arrested. The delegation returned to inform the protesters, who were still in place, causing visible irritation. On several occasions there had been clashes between elements Alliance and students, about nine o'clock that night without any clear explanation of its origin had a violent shootout between police and a group of protesters who threw the one person dead and more than fifty wounded.

Eva Perón drove on the morning of Thursday the 11th with "Rudi" Freude, son of a friend, and Juan Duarte (brother of Eva Perón) to San Nicolás island first and then to the Delta, leaving Mercante with instructions to cooperate with police, rather than hide".

On October 12 President Farrell ordered the arrest of Perón. The police came to fetch him from his apartment on Calle Posadas, in the Retiro ward of Buenos Aires, and Mercante told the sheriff where he was and the next day. Perón was taken into custody at the gunboat ARA Independencia, which in turn moved to Martín García Island. Following the arrest, the newspaper Crítica (then the most widely circulated news daily in Argentina), announced on the front page that: Perón is no longer a threat to the country.

On Saturday, October 13, Farrell met with the Attorney General, Dr. Juan Álvarez, and proposed to Ávalos that he form a new cabinet with the latter as a sort of Prime Minister, thus following a suggestion made to him by former Córdoba Province Governor Amadeo Sabattini. It was a compromise in which no transfer power to the Court was entrusted to a renowned civil conduction process leading to elections. Álvarez took his time: one day to consult before accepting the job and four days of consultations for candidates, presenting his list for these on October 17.

On the night of Tuesday the 16th, a Confederal Committee meeting of the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) decided to call a strike for the 18th. The reason for the strike was expressed in a number of issues including freedom of political prisoners, calling for elections, maintaining the gains of workers, etc.. but, significantly, did not mention Perón. The explanation is that many leaders were not convinced to support Perón, so the favorable sector due to unemployment in the text to make concessions to reach a majority

A significant section of the CGT, enlisted in the Communist and Socialist parties Perón identified with Nazism and demanded his dismissal, coinciding with the U.S. Embassy.

While the CGT hosted the mobilization to be held the next day, the strike served as a driver for several unions and workers in general, were on alert after days earlier, felt backed for actions to take.

Perón, citing health problems, managed to move him to a military hospital in the Belgrano district of Buenos Aires, where they arrive on the morning of 17.

October 17

The mobilization of workers began at dawn in the southern Buenos Aires neighborhoods of La Boca, Barracas, Parque Patricios, as well as in working class suburbs further south, such as Avellaneda, Berazategui, Lanús and Quilmes, as well as other, surrounding industrial areas. Among the first to mobilize en masse were abattoir workers led by Cipriano Reyes in La Plata then home to numerous meat packing establishments, such as the important Swift-Armour plant.

The march swelled with those who left factories and shops, and refrained from directly entering workplaces themselves. Initially the police lifted the bridges over the Riachuelo that led into the capital, and some protesters crossed by swimming or on rafts until bridges were later lowered; some members of the police force exchanged expressions of sympathy with the demonstrators. The marchers' many banners included slogans that had nothing to do with the claims of the CGT; but expressed their support for Perón and demanded his release.

President Edelmiro Farrell had a laissez-faire attitude. The new Minister of War General Eduardo Ávalos watched the protesters and refused to mobilize the troops of the Campo de Mayo, which could have reached the federal capital in a few hours, as claimed by some officers of the army and the Minister of Marine. Ávalos was confident the demonstration would dissolve by itself; but instead found that they became increasingly numerous, and ultimately agreed to hold talks with Perón in the Military Hospital. They had a short meeting to agree on the conditions: Perón would speak to reassure the protesters, without making reference to his arrest, and persuade them to disperse; in return, the entire cabinet would resign, as would Ávalos.

At 10:30 pm that day, Dr. Juan Álvarez had attended Government House to deliver a letter with the names proposed for ministers together with the curriculum of them and their acceptance to the charges. He was received with bewilderment in the midst of the disorder that existed at the time on site, and fired him with courtesy. The list was, according to Luna, a scorn for the country, it included people with a highly questionable history as far their democratic credentials. These included, Jorge Figueroa Alcorta, proposed for Minister Justice and Public Instruction, who had been involved in a 1942 plot with military cadets; Alberto Hueyo for the Treasury, who had been director of the CHADE electric utility when it fraudulently obtained an extension of its concession; Tomás Amadeo for Agriculture, was a close friend of U.S. Ambassador Spruille Braden; Antonio Vaquer for Public Works, who had been an official in President Roberto Marcelino Ortiz's Coordination of Transportation, a unit established at the behest of British tram businesses, to the detriment of local businesses collectives.

At 11:10 pm, and before a crowd estimated at 300,000 people, Perón appeared at the main balcony of the Casa Rosada, the nation's executive government offices. He thanked those present, recalling his work in government, reported on his request for retirement, pledged to continue defending the interests of workers and, finally, asked those present to disperse in peace, urging instead that they maintain the general strike the following day.

Immediate effects

Perón's resignation on 8 October 1945 was the result of loss of support in the army commanders. Based on the letter sent to Eva Duarte from Martín García Island, it can be considered at the time Perón was determined to retire from politics. The mobilization of 17 October had two immediate effects: it forced Perón to return to the political struggle, and persuaded the Army to turning in his favor before those among the military leadership opposed to him could organize their colleagues against him.

After a short period of rest, he and Eva Duarte were married on October 22, following which Perón began his political campaign. Former Governor Sabattini and others within the UCR formed the Junta Renovadora ("Renewal Board"), which joined independents in endorsing the Labor Party. The influential FORJA ("Wrought") faction of the UCR, led by Arturo Jauretche, disbanded to join the Peronist movement; Jauretche was later appointed Director of the Bank of the Province of Buenos Aires. Domingo Mercante was appointed to head the Department of Labor. A colonel tied to the principal rail workers' union, he helped rally organized labor in support for the Perón campaign.

The opposition parties formed the Democratic Union, an alliance centered on the presidential ticket nominated by the Radical Civic Union. The Perón-Quijano ticket won the February 24, 1946, election with 54% of the vote.[4]


The beginning of television in Argentina

Loyalty Day 1951 would also be the beginning of the state-owned TV station Televisión Pública, which launched on this storied day. Thus it also Television Day in Argentina.

References

  1. ^ "Peronist Loyalty Day". timeline. Archived from the original on 10 February 2013. Retrieved 22 May 2012.
  2. ^ Rapoport 2000, p. 283.
  3. ^ Rapoport 2000, p. 287.
  4. ^ Rapoport 2000, p. 356.

Bibliography

  • Rapoport, Mario (2000). Historia económica, política y social de la Argentina (1880-2000) (in Spanish). Buenos Aires: Macchi. ISBN 9505375298.
This page was last edited on 18 October 2023, at 01:14
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